M\u00fcmtaz Soysal\u2019\u0131n \u201c100 Soruda Anayasan\u0131n Anlam\u0131\u201d kitab\u0131n\u0131n birinci sorusu \u201cAnayasa deyince ne anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r, ne anlamak gerekir?\u201ddir.[foot]M\u00fcmtaz Soysal, “100 Soruda Anayasan\u0131n Anlam\u0131”, Ger\u00e7ek Yay\u0131nevi, 10. Bask\u0131, 1993 (Birinci Bask\u0131 A\u011fustos 1969), s.7[\/foot]<\/p>\n
Soysal \u201cAnayasa\u201d denilince, birle\u015fen s\u00f6zc\u00fcklerin zoruyla, \u00f6b\u00fcr yasalar\u0131n anas\u0131 olan, onlar\u0131 do\u011furan, onlara kaynakl\u0131k eden bir yasa geliyor akl\u0131m\u0131za der. Biraz da yasalar\u0131n en temel say\u0131lan\u0131 \u201cesas\u201d olan bir yasa. Nitekim, Osmanl\u0131 Devletinde \u201canayasa\u201d kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u201ckanun-u esasi\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc kullan\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131. Anadolu hareketiyle birlikte, Osmanl\u0131 d\u00f6nemindeki \u201ckanun-u esasi\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc yerine \u201cte\u015fkilat-\u0131 esasiye kanunu\u201d denmeye ba\u015fland\u0131 diye de devam eder. \u201cTe\u015fkilat-\u0131 esasiye kanunu\u201d terimi ise daha \u00e7ok, bir devletin temel kurulu\u015funu, \u00f6rg\u00fctleni\u015fini, ve i\u015fleyi\u015fini d\u00fczenleyen kurallar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc olarak kullan\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n
M\u00fcmtaz Soysal’dan al\u0131nt\u0131 ile devam edersek, \u201canayasa\u201d ve \u201ckanun-u esasi\u201d terimlerinin daha \u00e7ok \u00fczerine basar g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fckleri bir ba\u015fka anlam daha vard\u0131r: anayasa \u00f6b\u00fcr yasalar\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnde, onlardan daha temelli, daha geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131d\u0131r. Neredeyse onlar\u0131 do\u011furan, onlara anal\u0131k eden, dayanak olan bir yasa. Demek ki, anayasalar devletlerin temel yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6rg\u00fctleni\u015flerini ve i\u015fleyi\u015f kurallar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermenin yan\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lacak yasalar\u0131n uymak zorunda oldu\u011fu temel ilkeleri de g\u00f6sterirler.<\/p>\n
Devlet denilen organizman\u0131n “ele ge\u00e7irilmesi” sonras\u0131nda yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve bu yap\u0131land\u0131rman\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak da s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6sterilmesi gerekmektedir. T\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n da nihayetinde bir tak\u0131m kurallara ba\u011flanmas\u0131 gerekir. Bu o devletin “me\u015fruiyeti” ile de ilgilidir. Modern devletlerin neredeyse tamam\u0131nda bu temel kurallar \u2018anayasa\u2019 olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan ve yukar\u0131da bahsetti\u011fimiz nitelikleri ta\u015f\u0131yan metinlere ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u0130\u015fte bu nedenledir ki; (yeni) “anayasa” tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 asl\u0131nda devletin (yeniden) “yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131” tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 oldu\u011fundan “hukuki” de\u011fil, “siyasi” tart\u0131\u015fmalard\u0131r. Anayasa metinleri de, bu nedenle asl\u0131nda “hukuki” de\u011fil “siyasi” belgelerdir.<\/p>\n
Anayasalar i\u00e7inde bulunduklar\u0131 ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan metinlerdir. Daha do\u011fru bir ifade ile, yap\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00f6nemin s\u0131n\u0131fsal ili\u015fkilerini yans\u0131t\u0131rlar. (Tabii ki, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131fsal m\u00fccadelelerin de izlerini ta\u015f\u0131rlar.) Bu nedenle, hangi y\u00f6ntemle yap\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok kim taraf\u0131ndan ve ne i\u00e7in yap\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 daha \u00f6nemlidir. San\u0131r\u0131m buradan, anayasa yapma y\u00f6nteminin \u00f6nemsiz oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yledi\u011fimiz gibi bir sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kmaz. Ancak iktidar\u0131n kimin elinden bulundu\u011fundan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bu tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclemeyece\u011fi a\u015fikard\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Ama nedense, bug\u00fcn anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcrken sanki bu olgu yokmu\u015f gibi davran\u0131l\u0131yor. Devletin yap\u0131s\u0131na, i\u015fleyi\u015fine ve asl\u0131nda yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin bir tart\u0131\u015fma yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z unutularak, var olan, \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze getirilen metinler mutlak kabul ediliyor. Buradan hareketle de o metinin (Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n) tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131, i\u015fleyi\u015f, \u201cmutlak\u201d, \u201cde\u011fi\u015ftirilelemez\u201d, \u201cde\u011fi\u015fmez\u201d olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Bunun \u00fczerinden de \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze konulan metinleri \u201coraya buraya \u00e7ekelim\u201d, \u201c\u015fu maddesini, olmazsa bu maddesini d\u00fczeltelim\u201d diye tart\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015fl\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n
Oysa s\u00f6yleyeceklerimizin \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze konulan metinlerin \u00f6tesinde olmas\u0131 gerekmektedir. Hele bug\u00fcnlerde bu olmazsa olmazd\u0131r!<\/p>\n
Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn Prototipi: 2007 \u00d6zbudun Tasla\u011f\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n AKP\u2019nin \u201cyeni\u201d Anayasa \u00f6nerilerine bakarken bir hususu atlamam\u0131z gerekiyor.<\/p>\n AKP 2007 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n yaz aylar\u0131n\u0131n sonlar\u0131na kadar ba\u015ftan sona yeni bir Anayasa yaz\u0131m\u0131ndan bahsediyordu. Ancak, bizzat Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n talebi \u00fczerine, Prof. Dr. Ergun \u00d6zbudun ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki bir komisyon taraf\u0131ndan haz\u0131rlanan, 2007 A\u011fustos\u2019unun ba\u015flar\u0131nda Erdo\u011fan\u2019a sunu\u015fu yap\u0131lan ve ayn\u0131 ay\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda AKP\u2019ye teslim edilen Anayasa \u00f6nerisi sonras\u0131nda AKP taraf\u0131ndan resmi olarak sahiplenilmedi ve kamuoyuna a\u00e7\u0131klanmad\u0131. O ana kadar yeni bir Anayasa yaz\u0131m\u0131ndan bahseden AKP, bu tarihten itibaren Anayasan\u0131n par\u00e7a par\u00e7a de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesini g\u00fcndemine ald\u0131.[foot]\u0130lk denemesi de 2008 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki t\u00fcrban d\u00fczenlemesi idi. Ancak bu d\u00fczenlemenin de Anayasa Mahkemesi taraf\u0131ndan iptal edilmesi ve sonras\u0131nda y\u00fcksek yarg\u0131 ile ya\u015fanan \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u201d AKP\u2019nin \u00f6nceli\u011fini Anayasa Mahkemesi ve HSYK\u2019n\u0131n yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye vermesine neden oldu.[\/foot] Bunun anlam\u0131 metnin i\u00e7eri\u011fine ili\u015fkin AKP\u2019nin itirazlar\u0131 oldu\u011fu de\u011fildi. O tarihlerde AKP\u2019nin \u201cg\u00fcc\u00fc\u201d bunu gerektirmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n Bu nedenle, bug\u00fcn yeniden ba\u015ftan sona yeni bir Anayasa yaz\u0131m\u0131ndan bahsediliyorsa, y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fmalar da 2007 tasla\u011f\u0131 bir an i\u00e7in bile ak\u0131ldan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Arka planda bu taslak durmaya devam etmektedir. Tabi ki aradan ge\u00e7en zaman nedeni ile taslak bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak aynen kullan\u0131lamaz. Ancak AKP\u2019nin nas\u0131l bir anayasa istedi\u011fine dair ciddi ipu\u00e7lar\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Bunu bug\u00fcnlerde \u00d6zbudun\u2019un \u201cba\u015fkanl\u0131k\u201d sistemine ve AKP\u2019ye \u201c\u015fiddetle\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini bilerek s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorum. Zaten kendisi de bunu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor.[foot]”2007\u2019de o zaman ba\u015fbakan olan Say\u0131n Erdo\u011fan beni davet etti. Kendi se\u00e7ece\u011fim bir grup akademisyenle birlikte bir anayasa tasla\u011f\u0131 haz\u0131rlamam\u0131 istedi. \u0130lk sorum \u015fu oldu: \u201cG\u00fcveninize te\u015fekk\u00fcr ederim ama ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sistemine dayanan bir anayasa istiyorsan\u0131z l\u00fctfen beni mazur g\u00f6r\u00fcn, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ben b\u00fct\u00fcn meslek hayat\u0131m boyunca T\u00fcrkiye bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bu sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 oldum, bu nedenle aksine bir \u015fey elbette yapamam\u201d. O toplant\u0131da ba\u015fka yetkililer de vard\u0131. Say\u0131n Cemil \u00c7i\u00e7ek o s\u0131rada hen\u00fcz kamuya a\u00e7\u0131klanmam\u0131\u015f olan AKP se\u00e7im beyannamesinden bir pasaj okudu. O beyannamede devlet organlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin parlamenter rejim esaslar\u0131na g\u00f6re d\u00fczenlenece\u011fi, cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n yetkilerinin de bu esasa g\u00f6re yeniden tanzim edilece\u011fi vaadi yer al\u0131yordu. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n yetkilerinin bu esasa g\u00f6re d\u00fczenlenmesi apa\u00e7\u0131k mevcut yetkilerin k\u0131s\u0131tlanmas\u0131 demektir. Bu teminat\u0131 al\u0131nca talebi memnuniyetle, onurla kabul ettim ve di\u011fer be\u015f arkada\u015f\u0131m\u0131z ile birlikte \u00e7ok yo\u011fun \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k. Bir taslak haz\u0131rlad\u0131k ve sundu\u011fumuzda ba\u015fta Say\u0131n Erdo\u011fan olmak \u00fczere AKP\u2019nin hukuk\u00e7u ileri gelenleri de \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 memnuniyetle kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131lar. Bir itiraz ileri s\u00fcrmediler fakat sonra malum olaylardan dolay\u0131 bu taslak g\u00fcndeme gelmedi. Zaten bir y\u0131l sonra da AKP hakk\u0131nda kapatma davas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131, ondan sonra anayasa tasla\u011f\u0131 t\u00fcm\u00fcyle g\u00fcndemden kalkt\u0131.” “Endi\u015feli Bir Anayasac\u0131: Ergun \u00d6zbudun”, S\u00f6yle\u015fi: Haluk \u0130nan\u0131c\u0131, http:\/\/www.hukukpolitik.com.tr \/2016\/05\/02\/endiseli-bir-anayasaciergun ozbudun\/[\/foot]<\/p>\n Bahsetti\u011fim gibi, aradan ge\u00e7en zaman nedeni ile 2007 tasla\u011f\u0131 art\u0131k bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak aynen kullan\u0131lamaz. Ancak bu metin AKP\u2019nin nas\u0131l bir anayasa istedi\u011fine ve buradan hareketle de nas\u0131l bir \u00fclke istedi\u011fine dair ciddi ipu\u00e7lar\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle bu tasla\u011f\u0131 k\u0131saca hat\u0131rlamakta fayda var.[foot]Taslak metnin tamam\u0131 i\u00e7in bkz: http:\/\/bianet.org\/bianet\/bianet\/ 101746-akpnin-anayasa-taslaginin tam-metni[\/foot]<\/p>\n Taslak Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi teklif dahi edilemeyecek olan ilk maddelerinde de\u011fi\u015fiklik \u00f6ng\u00f6rmekte idi. Bundan da \u00f6te, bu maddelerde de\u011fi\u015fiklik yap\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getiren \u201cde\u011fi\u015ftirilemeyecek h\u00fck\u00fcmler\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 4. maddesi \u00f6neri de yer almamakta, tamamen kald\u0131r\u0131lmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n Taslakta egemenli\u011fin k\u0131s\u0131tlanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an bir h\u00fck\u00fcm yer almakta idi: \u201cMilletleraras\u0131 ve milletler\u00fcst\u00fc kurulu\u015flara \u00fcyelikten kaynaklanan s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar sakl\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d Yine TBMM\u2019nin devredilemeyen yasama yetkisine de k\u0131s\u0131tlama getirilmekteydi. \u00d6neride \u201cKanun h\u00fckm\u00fcnde kararnamelere ili\u015fkin h\u00fck\u00fcmler sakl\u0131d\u0131r\u201d eki ile \u201cy\u00fcr\u00fctmenin yasaman\u0131n yerine ge\u00e7mesi\u201d anayasal bir d\u00fczenleme haline gelmi\u015f bulunuyordu.<\/p>\n \u201cDin ve vicdan h\u00fcrriyeti\u201dnin \u201cdin ve inan\u00e7 h\u00fcrriyeti\u201d olarak de\u011fi\u015ftirildi\u011fi taslak ile toplu, alenen ve \u00f6zel ibadetin \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n Taslak anayasal d\u00fczlemde federalizme dair ilk ad\u0131mlar\u0131n at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir metindi. 2007 tasla\u011f\u0131 \u201cmali federalizmin\u201d \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7maktayd\u0131. \u201cVergi \u00f6devi\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 maddede yap\u0131lan d\u00fczenleme ile vergi ile ilgili baz\u0131 yetkiler Bakanlar Kurulu\u2019ndan al\u0131n\u0131p yerel y\u00f6netimlere verilmi\u015fti. B\u00f6ylece \u201cidari \u00f6zerklik\u201d \u00f6ncesi \u00f6nemli bir ad\u0131m at\u0131lmas\u0131 hedeflenmekteydi.<\/p>\n 2007 \u00d6zbudun tasla\u011f\u0131, anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda nedense hi\u00e7 g\u00fcndeme getirilmeyen, kimsenin akl\u0131na gelmeyen \u201csosyal devlet\u201de ili\u015fkin bir\u00e7ok d\u00fczenlemeyi de ortadan kald\u0131rmakta idi. Anayasa\u2019dan \u201ckamu yarar\u0131\u201d \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131larak, kamu yarar\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda yer alan d\u00fczenlemeler \u201cMali ve Ekonomik H\u00fck\u00fcmler\u201d ile \u201c\u00c7evrenin Korunmas\u0131 ve Milli Servetlere \u0130li\u015fkin H\u00fck\u00fcmler\u201d diye olu\u015fturulan yeni bir ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u201cPiyasalar\u0131n denetimi\u201d maddesi ise \u201cpiyasalar\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesi\u201d olarak de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015f, \u201cplanlama\u201d Anayasa\u2019dan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n \u015eu anda anayasada yer alan \u201ctoprak m\u00fclkiyeti\u201d, \u201ctar\u0131m ve hayvanc\u0131l\u0131k ve bu \u00fcretim dallar\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n korunmas\u0131\u201d, \u201corman k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc korunmas\u0131\u201d, \u201ckooperatif\u00e7ili\u011fin geli\u015ftirilmesi\u201d, \u201cesnaf ve sanatkarlar\u0131n korunmas\u0131\u201d, \u201ckonut hakk\u0131\u201d, \u201cgen\u00e7lik ve spor\u201d, \u201csanat\u0131n ve sanat\u00e7\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131\u201d gibi ba\u015fl\u0131klar da Anayasa\u2019dan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n Me\u015fruiyet Aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve Can Simitleri<\/strong><\/p>\n Peki bu durumda anayasa (ve ba\u015fkanl\u0131k) tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 hangi \u00e7er\u00e7evede tart\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z?<\/p>\n \u00c7ok\u00e7a yaz\u0131ld\u0131. AKP cenah\u0131 1 Kas\u0131m se\u00e7imleri ile bir d\u00f6nemin kapand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. O da \u201cGezi\u201d parantezinin kapanmas\u0131. \u015eimdi Onlar i\u00e7in s\u0131rada esas parantezin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 var. Cumhuriyet parantezinin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131. Bunu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a yazd\u0131lar. AKP\u2019nin \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki y\u0131llara ili\u015fkin izleyece\u011fi yol, siyaseti net. Bizim, havada as\u0131l\u0131 duran sistemin ayaklar\u0131n\u0131n yere bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 dedi\u011fimiz durumdur bu. \u0130kinci Cumhuriyetin yerle\u015ftirilmesi \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Kendileri de bug\u00fcnk\u00fc halin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n fark\u0131ndalar. Sistemleri art\u0131k kendini \u201cyenileyerek\u201d yerle\u015fmelidir. Anayasa, ba\u015fkanl\u0131k, adalet, g\u00fcvenlik, denetim\u2026 Bug\u00fcn tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan\/tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan t\u00fcm ba\u015fl\u0131klar do\u011frudan sistemin yerle\u015fmesi ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u015eimdi \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczde ba\u015fkanl\u0131k meselesinin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 var. Ancak bir \u00fcst paragrafta bahsetti\u011fim gerek\u00e7eden dolay\u0131, ne anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ba\u015fkanl\u0131ktan, ne de \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nem tek ba\u015f\u0131na anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan ibaret. Bu tart\u0131\u015fma esas olarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin idari yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n, ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sisteminin, adl\u0131 ad\u0131nca 2. Cumhuriyet rejiminin hukuki zemininin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131, sistemin o zemine oturtulmas\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tart\u0131\u015fma havada as\u0131l\u0131 duran rejimin yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Esas olarak gericili\u011fin hukuku yarat\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.[foot]Bu ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Hukuk Defterleri’nin ilk say\u0131s\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131m: Bilg\u00fctay Hakk\u0131 Durna, “AKP’li y\u0131llarda Yarg\u0131n\u0131n Halleri: D\u00fcn ve Bug\u00fcn”, Hukuk Defterleri, Say\u0131 1, May\u0131s\/Haziran 2016, s.34-40[\/foot]<\/p>\n T\u00fcm bu nedenlerle de\u011fil \u201cyeni\u201d bir Anayasa\u2019y\u0131, bunun tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 dahi me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131racak yakla\u015f\u0131mlar ba\u015ftan sona yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak, g\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki, ba\u015fta TBMM\u2019de yer alan partiler olmak \u00fczere, geni\u015f bir toplam bu tart\u0131\u015fmaya girecektir. Ba\u015fta s\u00f6yledi\u011fim gibi ya kendilerince \u201cd\u00fczeltmek\u201d i\u00e7in ya kendilerine \u201cyer a\u00e7mak\u201d i\u00e7in. Ama \u00f6yle ama b\u00f6yle.<\/p>\n Uzun zamand\u0131r dillendirdi\u011fimiz \u00fczere, yeni bir “yetmez ama evet” dalgas\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 da y\u00fcksektir. G\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki, Anayasa g\u00fcndemi \u00fczerinden bu dalgaya soldan (ve bu sefer daha geni\u015f bir yelpazeden) yenileri kat\u0131lacakt\u0131r. Herkesin kendine g\u00f6re de bir “gerek\u00e7esi” bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n Gerek\u00e7elerden biri merkeziyet\/ademi merkeziyet tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Sola hap olarak sunulan “do\u011fru”lardan olan ademi merkeziyet\u00e7ilik i\u00e7in deniyor ki; yerelle\u015fme halk\u0131n y\u00f6netime kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak bir modeldir, erk payla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131k\u00e7a kucaklay\u0131c\u0131, etkin ve demokratik olur. \u0130\u015fte, anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 bu tezlerin savunucular\u0131 i\u00e7in bir f\u0131rsatt\u0131r.[foot]Bir not olarak, bu konunun derinlemesine tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 bulundu\u011funa i\u015faret etmek isterim. Sol kendisine hap olarak sunulan “do\u011frulara” y\u00fcksek sesle itiraz edebilmelidir. Ger\u00e7ekten, yerelle\u015fme halk\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 m\u0131 art\u0131racakt\u0131r, sermayenin y\u00f6netim g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc m\u00fc? Hukuk Defterleri \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki say\u0131lar\u0131nda bu tart\u0131\u015fmalara da yer verecektir.[\/foot]<\/p>\n Yine K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda yer al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nemli bulanlar da bulunmaktad\u0131r. Her ne kadar bu kesimin tezlerinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ademi merkeziyet\u00e7ilik ile kesi\u015fse de, ba\u015fl\u0131klar bundan ibaret de\u011fildir.[foot]Anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda bu tezi savunanlar, 1921 Te\u015fkilat-\u0131 Esasiye Kanunu’nun T\u00fcrkiye’nin en demokratik anayasas\u0131 oldu\u011funu belirtmekte ve K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc ile yerel demokrasinin uygulanmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da \u00f6nemli bir metin olarak dillendirmektedirler. Bunun yan\u0131nda 1961 Anayasas\u0131n\u0131n en demokratik anayasa oldu\u011fu da savunulmaktad\u0131r. Bu tart\u0131\u015fmalarda dikkat \u00e7eken ise her bir metnin farkl\u0131 siyasi toplumsal d\u00f6nemlere ait oldu\u011funun g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilerek baz\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerinin se\u00e7ilerek \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bunun sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir tart\u0131\u015fma y\u00f6ntemi oldu\u011fu ise san\u0131r\u0131m s\u00f6ylenemez.[\/foot]<\/p>\n \u00d6nemli bir toplam ise “normalle\u015fme” aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndad\u0131r. Onlarda bunu (\u015fimdi de) anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda aramaktad\u0131rlar. T\u00fcrkiye Barolar Birli\u011fi (TBB) Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Metin Feyzio\u011flu dikkat \u00e7eken bir \u00f6rnek. Feyzio\u011flu, “yeni anayasa” kavram\u0131 yerine “anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi” kavram\u0131n\u0131n tercih edilmesi gerekti\u011fini belirtiyor ve T\u00fcrkiye’nin anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fine ihtiyac\u0131 oldu\u011funu, ancak “yeni anayasa” tabirinin rejim de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fine i\u015faret etti\u011fini s\u00f6yleyerek yol g\u00f6steriyor.[foot]http:\/\/www.barobirlik.org.tr\/Detay69574.tbb[\/foot]<\/p>\n 1982 Anayasas\u0131 biri Anayasa Mahkemesi taraf\u0131ndan iptal edilen 18 de\u011fi\u015fiklik ge\u00e7irmi\u015f durumda. Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 metni dahil onlarca maddesi de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe u\u011frad\u0131. Buna ra\u011fmen ilgin\u00e7tir, hala 82 Anayasas\u0131ndan kurtulmak gerekti\u011finden bahsedilerek AKP’nin anayasa tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na dahil olunmaktad\u0131r. Oysa g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir ki, yaln\u0131zca de\u011fi\u015fiklik yap\u0131l\u0131yor olmas\u0131 12 Eyl\u00fcl Anayasas\u0131\u2019ndan kurtuldu\u011fumuz anlam\u0131na gelmemektedir.<\/p>\n 12 Eyl\u00fcl’\u00fcn ve Anayasas\u0131n\u0131n temelde i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve siyaset yapma, hak arama \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerine bir m\u00fcdahale oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcrse, bu y\u00f6nde de\u011fi\u015fiklik \u00f6nerisi var m\u0131 diye de metinlere bak\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekmektedir. Ancak yine ilgin\u00e7tir ki; kimse bu ba\u015fl\u0131klarla da ilgilenmemektedir. Varsa yoksa “sivil” anayasa!<\/p>\n \u00d6yle ise t\u00fcm bu tart\u0131\u015fmalardan “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z” bir \u015fekilde s\u00f6z s\u00f6ylenebilmesi, bunun i\u00e7inde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir hatt\u0131n ya\u015fama ge\u00e7irilmesi elzemdir.<\/p>\n Ku\u015fkusuz \u00fclkemiz 12 Eyl\u00fcl Anayasas\u0131\u2019ndan bir an \u00f6nce kurtulmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak iyice kirletilmi\u015f bir kavram olan \u201csivil” ifadesini ta\u015f\u0131yan bir anayasa ile de\u011fil \u201ctoplumcu bir anayasa\u201d ile\u2026<\/p>\n Bunun bir m\u00fccadele konusu oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek ise san\u0131r\u0131m gereksiz olacakt\u0131r!<\/p>\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" M\u00fcmtaz Soysal\u2019\u0131n \u201c100 Soruda Anayasan\u0131n Anlam\u0131\u201d kitab\u0131n\u0131n birinci sorusu \u201cAnayasa deyince ne anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r, ne anlamak gerekir?\u201ddir.[foot]M\u00fcmtaz Soysal, “100 Soruda Anayasan\u0131n Anlam\u0131”, Ger\u00e7ek Yay\u0131nevi, 10. Bask\u0131, 1993 (Birinci Bask\u0131 A\u011fustos 1969), s.7[\/foot] Soysal \u201cAnayasa\u201d denilince, birle\u015fen s\u00f6zc\u00fcklerin zoruyla, \u00f6b\u00fcr yasalar\u0131n anas\u0131 olan, onlar\u0131 do\u011furan, onlara kaynakl\u0131k eden bir yasa geliyor akl\u0131m\u0131za der. Biraz da yasalar\u0131n en […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":18,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-4)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"categories":[133,30],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1562","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-dosya","category-sayilar-2"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1562","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/18"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1562"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1562\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6959,"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1562\/revisions\/6959"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1562"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1562"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/hukukdefterleri.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1562"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}